Wednesday, May 22, 2013

Oxford Defamed by Anti-Courtier Invective

I've been thinking a lot about something an Oxfordian friend wrote to me regarding the level of difficulty involved in the task of making the case for Hamlet as 'the ultimate anti-Oxford'. An excellent point. But as someone who has spent a lot of time gathering evidence that Oxford was defamed as 'Deformed' and the 'soul' of an Ignorant Age, it may not be too much of a stretch.

I believe that the seeds of the authorship problem were sown during the period of the French Marriage Crisis and remain emblematized in Greville's account of the tennis court quarrel - it is clear that the English court was deeply divided by competing understandings of the nature of virtuous service to the Queen and that often these differences were represented by matters of style. All courtiers were not alike.

To understand the criticism that was levelled at Oxford I think I have found a fruitful historical parallel in the anti-courtier discourse that plagued Henri III of France - and that formed the content of the so-called 'black legend' that grew up around his name. All of the 'Deformed' themes that I have been pursuing as they relate to criticisms of Oxford and Shakespeare -effeminacy, affectation, lack of martial vigour, scurrility, barbarism, dissimulation, extravagance, Italophilia  - appear in the attacks upon the characters of Henri III and his mignons.

Hamlet's contempt and despite for the well-willing courtiers at Elsinore mirrors the content of the anti-courtier discourses that I believe were utilized to blacken the character of the Earl of Oxford. Anti-courtier themes are the subject of a  play of the Poetomachia that bears some relationship to Hamlet - Jonson's Cynthia's Revels- wherein I believe Oxford was satirized as the elegantly 'deformed' courtier Amorphus - the leader of Jonson's 'worser' race at court.  (Cynthia's Revels a satire on courtly courtesy - Hamlet a satire on the neo-stoic reformed civility of academic humanists?Amleth = foolish, dull). And in Greville's illuminating 'story' of the tennis court quarrel the perspective that most closely mirrors Hamlet's own belongs to Philip Sidney - not the Earl of Oxford. Greville's claim that Elizabeth governed legitimately because she governed according to the people's laws and not according to her own will sets the stage for the anti-tyrant discourses that would be mobilized against the Stuart kings. In Sidney's encounter with the stage-tyrant Oxford, Fulke Greville draws a portrait of Sidney's 'worth, justice and duty' standing firm in the face of monstrous  privilege and power - and I have no doubt that Greville intends for us to think of Sidney as an English Brutus or David heroically enacting the anti-tyrant discourses of his [Sidney's] continental mentors. Also, more critically, Greville's use of echo, mirror and tempest imagery deny an 'inwardness' to Oxford who is portrayed as an intemperate creature of surfaces and seeming (idol, picture?). This denial of Oxford's inward truth brands Oxford as politically and morally illegitimate and would similarly cast suspicion upon the speech and writings he brought forth. (For you in me can nothing worthy prove...)

So, sixteenth century anti-courtier discourses in France and England (soon to become antiroyal invective) will continue to be rummaged through as well as Oxford's 'black legend' as reproduced by Alan H Nelson in his biography of Oxford - Monstrous Adversary.

*******************************
Shakespeare

O! lest the world should task you to recite
What merit lived in me, that you should love
After my death,--dear love, forget me quite,
For you in me can nothing worthy prove.
Unless you would devise some virtuous lie,
To do more for me than mine own desert,
And hang more praise upon deceased I
Than niggard truth would willingly impart:
O! lest your true love may seem false in this
That you for love speak well of me untrue,
My name be buried where my body is,
And live no more to shame nor me nor you.
For I am shamed by that which I bring forth,
And so should you, to love things nothing worth.

*********************************
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Legend

The Black Legend (Spanish: La leyenda negra) is a phrase used to describe the anti-Spanish historical propaganda created by writers of Spanish rival powers starting in the 16th century, thought to counter Spain's increasing influence and power on the world stage. According to one historian, this propaganda depicts Spain or the Spanish Empire as "cruel, bigoted, exploitative and self-righteous in excess of reality."[1] The term was coined by Julián Juderías in his 1914 book La leyenda negra y la verdad histórica ("The Black Legend and Historical Truth"). Deriving from the Spanish example, the term "black legend" is sometimes used in a more general way to describe any form of unjustified demonization of a historical person, people or sequence of events.


*************************************
Proto-Hamlet


The closest myth is Roman: the story of Junius Brutus, legendary founder of Rome, follows a similar pattern of murder and revenge. Brutus' father and brother are killed by his uncle Tarquin; Brutus feigns stupidity to save himself and ultimately overthrows the tyrant, founding the Roman republic. The Scandinavian name "Amleth" and the Latin "Brutus" both have the same meaning ("dull," or "foolish").

The Tarquins In Roman tradition, the Tarquins were an Etruscan family that ruled Rome from ca.657 to ca.510 B.C. The revolt that deposed the last Tarquin was brought about by his son's rape of Lucrece and her subsequent suicide--a subject Shakespeare chose for a long narrative poem.

************************************
Words, Deeds, and a Womanly King


Michael Wintroub

With the possible exception of Louis XVI, Henri III was the most reviled of all French monarchs. The target of an unprecedented propaganda campaign, he was loathed, despised, and demonized—most famously by the Protestant Agrippa d’Aubigné, who compared him to a ‘‘made-up whore’’ (une putain fardee) and ‘‘a King-woman or a man-Queen’’ (un Roy famme ou bien un homme Reyne). For many of his subjects, Henri epitomized France’s descent into a kind of savage and degenerate effeminacy in which truth and virtue had been supplanted by courtly intrigue and cynical dissimulation. Hated not only for his misrule and religious hypocrisy but for his transvestism and alleged homosexuality, Henri provided a worthy foil for the ambitions of the Guise, at the same time giving focus—and corporeal specificity— to the ubiquitous sense that something was radically wrong with the world.

As Denis Crouzet has shown, antiroyal League propaganda had a clear affinity with the pervasive fear that the end-time was at hand. Henri, insofar as he was represented as the debauched and malevolent betrayer of God, came to legitimate (as a holy cause) efforts to overthrow his rule. The king’s inner corruption was thus made evident in God’s displeasure—as manifest in poverty, disease, war, comets, earthquakes, and other monstrous portents. As one commentator asked his readers: ‘‘Do you not see that he is completely fainthearted, cowardly, effeminate, a heliogabal, and is so utterly seduced by luxuries and by all sorts of whorish lechery that the earth vomits and the heavens recoil in horror?’’ Henri’s outward appearance and comportment—from his makeup and curled hair to his perfume and earrings—were, according to his many critics, masks that revealed, rather than disguised, his corrupt and dissimulating nature. France’s decadence, it seems, had become a gauge by which to measure her king’s immorality.

Credible scholarly attempts to understand the ‘‘black legend’’ of Henri III have shied away from the investigation of his actual behaviour to focus instead on the religious and political contexts that framed—and animated—its production and dissemination. Keith Cameron, for example, argues that the king’s behavior had little, if anything, to do with the accusations leveled against him; such slanderous characterizations, he asserts, were clearly attributable to ideological exaggeration at the behest of Leaguers and Protestants vying for position and power. What is interesting to note is that the charges—and perhaps even Henri’s actions themselves—might be associated with deeper social instabilities.

**************************************
Jonson, Discoveries


De Poetica. - We have spoken sufficiently of oratory, let us now make a diversion to poetry. Poetry, in the primogeniture, had many PECCANT HUMOURS, and is made to have more now, through the levity and inconstancy of men' s judgments. Whereas, indeed, it is the most prevailing eloquence, and of the most exalted caract. Now the discredits and disgraces are many it hath received through men' s study of depravation or calumny; their practice being to give it diminution of credit, by lessening the professor' s estimation, and making THE AGE afraid of their liberty; and THE AGE is grown so tender of her fame, as she calls all writings aspersions.

That is the state word, the PHRASE OF COURT (placentia college), which some call PARASITES PLACE, the INN OF IGNORANCE.

**************************************

Greville. The life of the renowned Sr Philip Sidney.


CHAP. VI.

THus stood the state of things then: And if any judicious Reader shall ask, Whether it were not an error, and a dangerous one, for Sir Philip being neither Magistrate nor Counsellor, to oppose himself against his Soveraigns pleasure in things indifferent? I must answer, That his worth, truth, favour, and sincerity of heart, together with his reall manner of proceeding in it, were his privileges. Because this Gentlemans course in this great business was, not by murmur among equals, or inferiours, to detract from Princes; or by a mutinous kind of bemoaning error, to stir up ill affections in their minds, whose best thoughts could do him no good; but by a due address of his humble reasons to the Queen her self, to whom the appeal was proper. So that although he found a sweet stream of Soveraign humors in that well-tempered Lady, to run against him, yet found he safety in her self, against that selfness which appeared to threaten him in her: For this happily born and bred Princess was not (subject-like) apt to construe things reverently done in the worst sense; but rather with the spirit of annointed Greatness (as created to reign equally over frail and strong) more desirous to find waies to fashion her people, than colours, or causes to punish them.

Lastly, to prove nothing can be wise, that is not really honest; every man of that time, and consequently of all times may know, that if he should have used the same freedome among the Grandees of Court (their profession being not commonly to dispute Princes purposes for truths sake, but second their humours to govern their Kingdomes by them) he must infallibly have found Worth, Justice, and Duty lookt upon with no other eyes but Lamia's; and so have been stained by that reigning faction, which in all Courts allows no faith currant to a Soveraign, that hath not past the seal of their practising corporation.

Thus stood the Court at that time; and thus stood this ingenuous spirit in it. If dangerously in mens opinions who are curious of the present, and in it rather to doe craftily, than well: Yet, I say, that Princely heart of hers was a Sanctuary unto him; And as for the people, in whom many times the lasting images of Worth are preferred before the temporary visions of art, or favour, he could not fear to suffer any thing there, which would not prove a kind of Trophy to him. So that howsoever he seemed to stand alone, yet he stood upright; kept his access to her Majesty as before; a liberall conversation with the French, reverenced amongst the worthiest of them for himselfe, and born in too strong a fortification of nature for the less worthy to abbord, either with question, familiarity, or scorn.

In this freedome, even while the greatest spirits, and Estates seemed hood-winkt, or blind; and the inferior sort of men made captive by hope, fear, ignorance; did he enjoy the freedome of his thoughts, with all recreations worthy of them.

And in this freedome of heart being one day at Tennis, a Peer of this Realm, born great, greater by alliance, and superlative in the Princes favour, abruptly came into the Tennis- Court; and speaking out of these three paramount authorities, he forgot to entreat that, which he could not legally command. When by the encounter of a steady object, finding unrespectiveness in himself (though a great Lord) not respected by this Princely spirit, he grew to expostulate more ROUGHLY. The returns of which stile comming still from an understanding heart, that knew what was due to it self, and what it ought to others, seemed (through the MISTS of my Lords PASSIONS, SWOLN with the WINDE of his FACTION then reigning) to provoke in yeelding. Whereby, the lesse amazement, or confusion of thoughts he stirred up in Sir Philip, the more SHADOWES this great Lords own mind was POSSESSED with: till at last with RAGE (which is ever ILL-DISCIPLINED) he commands them to depart the Court. To this Sir Philip temperately answers; that if his Lordship had been pleased to express desire in milder Characters, perchance he might have led out those, that he should now find would not be driven out with any scourge of FURY. This answer (like a BELLOWS) blowing up the sparks of EXCESS already kindled, made my Lord scornfully call Sir Philip by the name of Puppy. In which progress of HEAT, as the TEMPEST grew more and more vehement within, so did their hearts breath out their perturbations in a more loud and shrill accent. The French Commissioners unfortunately had that day audience, in those private Galleries, whose windows looked into the Tennis-Court. They instantly drew all to this tumult: every sort of quarrels sorting well with their humors, especially this. Which Sir Philip perceiving, and rising with inward strength, by the prospect of a mighty faction against him; asked my Lord, with a loud voice, that which he heard clearly enough before. Who ( LIKE AN ECHO, that still multiplies by REFLEXIONS) repeated this Epithet of Puppy the second time. Sir Philip resolving in one answer to conclude both the attentive hearers, and PASSIONATE ACTOR, gave my Lord a Lie, impossible (as he averred) to be retorted; in respect all the world knows, Puppies are gotten by Dogs, and Children by men.

Hereupon those GLORIOUS INEQUALITIES of FORTUNE in his Lordship were put to a kinde of pause, by a precious inequality of nature in this Gentleman. So that they both stood silent a while, like a DUMB SHEW in a TRAGEDY; till Sir Philip sensible of his own wrong, the forrain, and factious spirits that attended; and yet, even in this question between him, and his superior, tender to his Countries honour; with some words of sharp accent, led the way abruptly out of the Tennis-Court; as if so unexpected an accident were not fit to be decided any farther in that place. Whereof the great Lord making another sense, continues his play, without any advantage of reputation; as by the standard of humours in those times it was conceived.

*******************************


SONNET LXXVIII. -- Greville


THe little Hearts, where light-wing'd PASSION raignes,
More easily vpward, as all frailties doe;
Like Strawes to Ieat, these follow Princes veines,
And so, by pleasing, doe corrupt them too.
Whence as their raising proues Kings can create;
So States proue sicke, where toyes beare Staple-rates.

" Like Atomi they neither rest, nor stand,
" Nor can erect; because they NOTHING be
" But baby-thoughts, fed with time-presents hand,
" Slaues, and yet darlings of Authority;
" ECCHO'S of wrong; SHADOWES of Princes might;
" Which glow-worme-like, by shining, show 'tis night.

" Curious of fame, as foule is to be faire;
" Caring to seeme that which they would not be;
" Wherein CHANCE helpes, since Praise is powers heyre,
" Honor the creature of Authoritie:
" So as borne high, in giddie Orbes of grace,
" These Pictures are, which are indeed but Place.

" And as the Bird in hand, with freedome lost,
" Serues for a stale, his fellowes to betray:
" So doe these Darlings rays'd at Princes cost
" Tempt man to throw his libertie away;
" And sacrifice Law, Church, all reall things
" To soare, not in his owne, but Eagles wings.

Whereby, like AEsops dogge, men lose their meat,
To bite at GLORIOUS SHADOWES, which they see;
And let fall those strengths which make all States great
By free Truths chang'd to seruile flatterie.
Whence, while men gaze vpon this blazing starre,
Made slaues, not subiects, they to Tyrants are.

***********************************

SONNET LXV. -- Greville


CAElica, you (whose requests commandments be)
Aduise me to delight my minde with books,
" The Glasse where Art doth to posterity,
" Shew nature naked vnto him that looks,
Enriching vs, shortning the wayes of wit,
Which with experience else deare buyeth it.

Caelica, if I obey not, but dispute,
Thinke it is darkenesse; which seeks out a light,
And to presumption do not it impute,
If I forsake this way of Infinite;
*Books be of men, men but in clouds doe see,
Of whose embracements Centaures gotten be*.

I haue for books, aboue my head the Skyes,
Vnder me, Earth; about me Ayre and Sea:
The Truth for light, and Reason for mine eyes,
Honour for guide, and Nature for my way.
With change of times, lawes, humors, manners, right;
Each in their diuerse workings infinite.

Which powers from that wee feele, conceiue, or doe,
Raise in our senses through ioy, or smarts,
All formes, the good or ill can bring vs to,
More liuely farre, than can dead Books or Arts;
" Which at the second hand deliuer forth,
"Of few mens heads, strange rules for all mens worth.

False Antidotes for vitious ignorance,
Whose causes are within, and so their cure,
Errour corrupting Nature not Mischance
For how can that be wise which is not pure?
So that Man being but mere hypocrisie,
What can his arts but beames of follie be?

Let him then first set straight his inward spirit,
That his Affections in the seruing roomes,
May follow Reason, not confound her light,
And make her subiect to inferiour doomes;
*For till the inward moulds be truly plac'd,
All is made crooked that in them we cast.*

But when the heart, eyes light grow pure together,
And so vice in the way to be forgot,
Which threw man from creation, who knowes whither?
Then this strange building which the flesh knowes not,
Reuiues a new-form'd image in mans minde,
Where Arts reueal'd, are miracles defin'd.

What then need halfe-fast helps of ERRING WIT,
Methods, or books of vaine humanity?
Which dazell truth, by representing it,
And so ENTAYLE CLOUDS to POSTERITY.
Since outward wisdome springs from truth within,
Which all men feele, or heare, before they sinne.

**************************************

10. Edward de Vere

Fain would I sing, but fury makes me fret
And rage hath sworn to seek revenge of wrong;
My mazed mind in malice so is set
As death shall daunt my deadly dolours long;
Patience perforce is such a pinching pain
As die I will, or suffer wrong again.

I am no sot to suffer such abuse
As doth bereave my heart of his delight,
Nor will I frame myself to such as use
With calm consent to suffer such despite;
No quiet sleep shall once possess mine eye
Till wit have wrought his will on injury.

My heart shall fail and hand shall lose his force,
But some device shall pay despite his due,
And fury shall consume my careful corse,
Or raze the ground whereon my sorrow grew;
Lo, thus in rage of ruthful mind refused,
I rest revenged of whom I am abused.

***************************************

Jonson, Discoveries


Censura de poetis. - Nothing in our AGE, I have observed, is more PREPOSTEROUS than the running judgments upon poetry and poets; when we shall hear those things commended and cried up for the best writings which a man would scarce vouchsafe to wrap any wholesome drug in; he would never light his tobacco with them. And those men almost named for MIRACLES, who yet are so VILE that if a man should go about to examine and correct them, he must make all they have done but one BLOT. Their good is so entangled with their bad as forcibly one must draw on the other’s death with it. A sponge dipped in ink will do all:-

“ - Comitetur Punica librum

Spongia. - ” {44a}
Et paulò post,
“Non possunt . . . multæ . . . lituræ
. . . una litura potest.”

Cestius - Cicero - Heath - Taylor - Spenser. - Yet their vices have not hurt them; nay, a great many they have profited, for they have been loved for nothing else. And this false opinion grows strong against the best men, if once it take root with the IGNORANT. Cestius, in his time, was preferred to Cicero, so far as the ignorant durst. They learned him without book, and had him often in their mouths; but a man cannot imagine that thing so foolish or rude but will find and enjoy an admirer; at least a reader or spectator. The puppets are seen now in despite of the players; Heath' s epigrams and the Sculler' s poems have their applause. There are never wanting that dare prefer the worst preachers, the worst pleaders, the worst poets; not that the better have left to write or speak better, but that they that hear them judge worse; Non illi pejus dicunt, sed hi corruptius judicant. Nay, if it were put to the question of the water- rhymer' s works, against Spenser' s, *I doubt not but they would find more suffrages; because the most favour common vices, out of a prerogative the VULGAR have to lose their judgments and like that which is naught.*

Poetry, in this latter AGE, hath proved but a mean mistress to such as have wholly addicted themselves to her, or given their names up to her family. They who have but saluted her on the by, and now and then tendered their visits, she hath done much for, and advanced in the way of their own professions (both the law and the gospel) beyond all they could have hoped or done for themselves without her favour. Wherein she doth emulate the judicious but preposterous bounty of the time' s grandees, who accumulate all they can upon the parasite or fresh-man in their friendship; but think an old client or honest servant bound by his place to write and starve.

Indeed, the multitude commend writers as they do fencers or wrestlers, who if they come in robustiously and put for it with a deal of violence are received for the braver fellows; when many times their own rudeness is a cause of their disgrace, and a slight touch of their adversary gives all that boisterous force the foil. But in these things the unskilful are naturally deceived, and judging wholly by the bulk, think rude things greater than polished, and scattered more numerous than composed; nor think this only to be true in the sordid multitude, but the neater sort of our gallants; for all are the multitude, only they differ in clothes, not in judgment or understanding.

************************************

THE Life of the Renowned Sr PHILIP SIDNEY. -- Fulke Greville




CHAP. I.

THe difference which I have found between times, and consequently the changes of life into which their naturall vicissitudes doe violently carry men, as they have made deep furrowes of impressions into my heart, so the same heavy wheeles cause me to retire my thoughts from free traffique with the world, and rather seek comfortable ease or imployment in the safe memory of dead men, than disquiet in a doubtfull conversation amongst the living. Which I ingenuously confesse, to be one chief motive of dedicating these exercises of my youth to that Worthy Sir Philip Sidney, so long since departed. For had I grounded my ends upon active Wisedomes of the present, or sought Patronage out of hope, or fear in the future; Who knowes not, that there are some Noble friends of mine, and many Honourable Magistrates yet living, unto whom both my Fortune, and Reputation were, and are far more subject? But besides this self- respect of Dedication, the debt I acknowledge to that Gentleman is farre greater, as with whom I shall ever account it honour to have been brought up: and in whom the life it self of true worth, did (by way of example) far exceed the pictures of it in any moral Precepts. So that (if my creation had been equal) it would have proved as easie for me, to have followed his patern, in the practice of reall vertue, as to engage my self into this Characteristicall kind of Poesie: in defence whereof he hath written so much, as I shall not need to say any thing. For that this representing of vertues, vices, humours, counsells, and actions of men unfeigned, and unscandalous Images, is an inabling of free-born spirits to the greatest affaires of States: he himself hath left such an instance in the too short scene of his life, as I fear many Ages will not draw a line out of any other mans sphere to parallel with it.

For my own part, I observed, honoured, and loved him so much; as with what caution soever I have passed through my dayes hitherto among the living, yet in him I challenge a kind of freedome even among the dead. So that although with Socrates, I professe to know nothing for the present; yet with Nestor I am delighted in repeating old newes of the ages past; and will therefore stir up my drooping memory touching this mans worth, powers, wayes, and designes: to the end that in the tribute I owe him, our nation may see a Sea-mark, rais'd upon their native coast, above the levell of any private Pharos abroad: and so by a right Meridian line of their own, learn to sayl through the straits of true vertue, into a calm, and spacious Ocean of humane honour.

(snip)

...Instance that reverend Languet, mentioned for honours sake in Sir Philip's Arcadia, learned usque ad miraculum; wise by the conjunction of practice in the world, with that wellgrounded Theory of Books, & much valued at home; till this great Worth (even in a Gentlemans fortune) being discovered for a dangerous instrument against Rome and Spain, by some sparkles got light enough, rather to seek employment elswhere, than to tarry, and be driven out of his own Country with disparagement. In Franckford he settles, is entertained Agent for the Duke of Saxony, and an under-hand Minister for his own King. Lodged he was in Wechels house, the Printer of Franckford, where Sir Philip in travail chancing likewise to become a guest, this ingenious old mans fulnesse of knowledge, travailing as much to be delivered from abundance by teaching, as Sir Philip's rich nature, and industry thirsted to be taught, and manured; this harmony of an humble Hearer to an excellent Teacher, so equally fitted them both, as out of a naturall descent both in love, and plenty, the elder grew taken with a net of his own thread, and the younger taught to lift up himself by a thread of the same spinning; so as this reverend Languet, orderly sequestred from his severall Functions under a mighty King, and Saxonie the greatest Prince of Germany, became a Nurse of knowledge to this hopefull young Gentleman, and without any other hire, or motive than this sympathy of affections, accompanyed him in the whole course of his three years travail. By which example the judicious Reader may see, that Worth in every Nation finds her Country, Parents, Neighbours, and Friends, yea, and often, with more honour, dearnesse, and advancement in knowledges, *than any pedigree of fleshly kindred*, will, or can at home raise, or enlarge them unto. Nay to goe yet farther in this private instance; It may please the Reader to observe, how the same parallel of worth, in what age, or estate soever, as it hath power to win, so hath it likewise absolute power to keep. Far unlike those CREATIONS OF CHANCE, which hath other birds egges; and by advancing men out of chance or complement, lose them again as fast by neglect. Contrary to which, even when diversity of years, courses of life, and fortunes, enforced these dear Friends to divide, there yet passed such a continuall course of intelligence by Letters from one of them to another, as in their losse (if they be lost) there be buried many delicate images, and differences, between the reall, and large complexions of those active times, and the NARROW SALVES of this EFFEMINATE AGE: Because in this excellent mould of their friendship, the greatest businesses of Estate were so mixed with the sweet remissions of ingenuous good will, as men might easily discern in them (as unflattering glasses) that wisdome, and love, in good spirits have great affinity together. For a farther demonstration, behold even the same Languet (after he was sixty six years of age) fashioning himself a journey into England, with the Duke Casimire, onely to see that excellent Plant of his own polishing. In which loving, and unexpected meeting, I dare confidently affirm, neither side became loser. At the sea they parted, and made many mutuall tears omnious propheciers of their never meeting again.

These little sparks of two large natures I make bold the longer to insist upon, because the youth, life and fortune of this Gentleman were indeed but sparkes of extraordinary greatnesse in him: which for want of clear vent lay concealed, and in a maner smothered up. And again to bring the CHILDREN OF FAVOUR, and CHANGE, into an equall ballance of comparison with birth, worth, and education: and therein abruptly to conclude, that God creates those in his certain, and eternall mouldes, out of which he elects for himself; where KINGS choose CREATURES out of Pandoras Tun, and so raise up worth, and no worth; friends or enemies at adventure. Therefore what marvail can it be, if these Iacobs, and Esaus strive ambitiously one with another, as well before as after they come out of such erring, and unperfect wombes?


*******************************

‘Male deformities’: Narcissus and the Reformation of Courtly Manners in Cynthia’s Revels

in Ovid & the Renaissance Body

By Goran V Stanivukovic
Mario Digangi

(snip)

...In this essay I want to pursue such an analysis by focusing on Ben Jonson’s early comedy Cynthia’s Revels (1600), which offers particular insight into the social and political implications of the Narcissus myth for early modern English culture. Originally entered in the Stationer’s Register as Narcissus, or the fountain of self-love, this quirky satire of courtly manners represents Jonson’s ‘only extended use of Ovidian material.: Jonson’s uncharacteristic recourse to Ovidian subjects in Cynthia’s Revels suggests his recognition of the Narcissus myth’s theatrical viability as a vehicle for satire. While Narcissus never appears as a character in the play, the Narcissus myth provides Jonson with vivid material for exposing the transgressive bodily practices of unauthorized courtiers, especially through the character of Amorphous (“THE DEFORMED”), whose affected manners violate orthodox prescriptions for male aristocratic comportment. The play’s ridicule of courtly affectation thus accords with early modern interpretations of the Narcissus myth that primarily associate self-love not with homoerotic desire but with EFFEMINATE MANNERS: a clear sign of social, economic and political transgression. By contrast, the virtuously ‘masculine’ comportment of the true gentleman, according to a particular strain of early modern political ideology, justifies his status and exercise of power. Exposing illegitimate courtiers as effeminate narcissists, Cynthia’s Revels reveals the importance of an ideology of ‘civilized’ masculinity to early-seventeenth-century constructions of *political legitimacy*.

***************************

From Alan H Nelson, Monstrous Adversary



The 1615 edition of Stow's _Annales_ reported (for the first time in print) that on his return from Italy, Oxford affected a new stylishness of dress (p. 868):

Milloners, or Haberdashers had not then any gloves Imbroydered, or trimmed with Gold, or Silke, neither Gold nor Imbroydered Girdles and Hangers, neyther could they make any costly wash or perfume, until about the fourteenth or fifteenth yeare of the Queene the right hounourable Edward de Vere, Earle of Oxford: came from Italy, and brought with him Gloves: sweete bagges, a perfumed leather Jerkin, and other plesant thinges, and that yeere the Queene had a payre of perfumed Gloves trimmed onely with foure Tuftes or Roses, of cullered Silke, the Queene took such pleasurer in those Gloves, that shee was pictures with those Gloves upon her hands, and for many yeeres after it was called the Earle of Oxfords perfume.

Oxford's contemporaries believed that Italy had effeminized him.(p.229)

*************************



Much Ado about Nothing - Shakespeare

Watchman
[Aside] I know that Deformed; a' has been a vile
thief this seven year; a' goes up and down like a
gentleman: I remember his name.

BORACHIO
Didst thou not hear somebody?

CONRADE
No; 'twas the vane on the house.

BORACHIO
Seest thou not, I say, what a deformed thief this
fashion is? how giddily a' turns about all the hot
bloods between fourteen and five-and-thirty?
sometimes fashioning them like Pharaoh's soldiers
in the reeky painting, sometime like god Bel's
priests in the old church-window, sometime like the
shaven Hercules in the smirched worm-eaten tapestry,
where his codpiece seems as massy as his club?

(snip)
Second Watchman
Call up the right master constable. We have here
recovered the most dangerous piece of lechery that
ever was known in the commonwealth.

First Watchman
And one Deformed is one of them: I know him; a'
wears a lock.

CONRADE
Masters, masters,--

Second Watchman
You'll be made bring Deformed forth, I warrant you.